Beyond of their everyday duties, RDF do different activities in line to improve people's standard of living
The foundations of post independence Rwanda were built on legacy of utter disregard for human rights and the rule of law. Starting from 1959, thousands of innocent Batutsi were killed in the name of a revolution. Atrocities and other gross violations of human rights organized and carried out by the government continued throughout the 1960s and 1970s.
This entrenchment of dictatorship and gross violation of fundamental human rights went hand in hand with institutionalised discrimination akin to apartheid. Access to education, employment or public service was strictly governed by quotas based on ethnicity.
The Batutsi had been reduced to second-class citizens in their own country. When 1994 came, thousands of their country men and women responded to incitement to kill them, this time with unprecedented ferocity.
The institutions of the state and public officials responsible for public order and for protecting the population turned around and organised the genocide that was unique in its barbarity, speed and scale whereby one million of Batutsi were killed in 100 days.
As the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) advanced to halt the genocide, the killers fled through the nearest border-points into the neighbouring countries of Tanzania , Burundi and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Armed and militia groups who sought refuge in the DRC reorganised to resume their genocidal campaign and complete their macabre business a little bit after RPA(now RDF) take over the territory.
Post-Genocide Military Peacebuilding
Conflicts will continue to be a reality in Africa for the foreseeable future, unless effective strategies are employed to ensure security and stability on the continent. Rwanda has adopted a peacebuilding model spearheaded by the military that has laid the foundation in a process that has ensured stability and national development.
The peacebuilding process in the context of the Rwanda Defence Forces (RDF) may be appreciated in light of development in post-Genocide Rwanda. The RDF integration that preceded the peacebuilding was an already established practice by the Rwanda Patriotic Army (RPA) during its struggle for Rwandan inclusivity and as a war strategy to weaken the enemy morale.
In the Rwandan case, one method of reaching lasting peace was to ensure participation by all competing factions in a new government.
Another aspect of ensuring lasting peace was the full integration of the ex-military into the new national army. Thus, the Rwanda military integration provided the example of an effective peacebuilding process.
Basically there are three models of military integration as conflict management strategies:
The first is the consent-based model, which is based on comprehensive negotiated settlement of conflict between two parties conducted under third party supervision. The government forces may absorb guerrilla forces or may merge the two warring factions to form a single national force.
The second model is complete demobilization where the government decides to downsize its military through the normal channels of peacebuilding but does not include former enemy combatants in its forces. Examples include the 1991 Ethiopia complete demobilization of the former government forces under the DERG after the defeat of Mengistu Haille Mariam.
The third is the coercive model of peacebuilding, which involves forced disarmament of insurgents and is usually carried out by external intervention under a United Nations mandate. An example of this is the failed forced disarmament of Somali warring factions in 1993.
The Rwandan Model of Peacebuilding
Rwanda’s model of peacebuilding is based on consent, where ex-combatants were fully integrated in the spirit of the 1993 Arusha Peace Agreement between the RPF and the Government of Rwanda.
Unlike in the classic Consent Model, RDF integration was a continuous process before, during and after cessation of hostilities. The Rwanda model was effected through the traditional concept of Ingando.
The Ingando in Kinyarwanda means a military encampment or assembly area, where the troops traditionally received their final briefing while readying for a military expedition abroad. The briefing included, among others, re-organisation of the troops and allotment of missions and tasks.
In such gatherings, the individuals were reminded to subject their interests to the national ideal and give Rwanda their all. This meant that whatever differences one may have, the national interests always prevailed since the nation of Rwanda is bigger than any one individual and ensured prosperity for all.
The objectives of the Ingando is to help the participants, who today also include members of the greater society, i.e., students, grassroots leaders, opinion leaders, teachers, released prisoners, etc, to overcome mutual fear and suspicion, temptation to revenge; talk about the history of the conflict; heal the wounds of hatred; accept responsibility for any harm done to each other; demystify negative perceptions of each other; collective ownership of the tragedy that resulted from the conflict; and agree on what the future portends for them.
Ingando employs the concept of problem solving workshops (PSW), as a participatory conflict management strategy. Problem-solving workshops are designed as the best method to find sustainable resolution. PSW encourage the parties to analyse their conflict, its causes, the parties’ attitudes towards each other, and their post-conflict relationship.
Steps taken in Ingando
The first step was to help the ex-combatants and the RDF to unburden themselves emotionally. This can be achieved by allowing them to talk about the conflict and its history.
The second step was joint military redeployment of the former adversaries. Participation in Ingando recognizes the dignity and humanity of the participants as equal Rwandans. Irrespective of their roles in the Rwandan conflict, the Ingando form the starting point to conflict resolution.
Ingandos were initially meant for integrating ex-combatants into the national army and society during and after the Rwandan liberation war. This entailed mixing the ex-FAR and the RPA officers. Between 1995 and 1997, a total of 10,500 ex-FAR officers were integrated in the RPA. And between 1998 and 2002 a total of 39,200 ex-FAR and militia were integrated in the RPA.
In the case of the RDF, the ex-combatants moved from being tools of violence into being economic assets. Peacebuilding also becomes a facilitator for military professionalism, which enhances effectiveness and healthy civil-military relations and societal reconciliation.
Rwandan Peacebuilding and Local Ownership
Peacebuilding demands local ownership, of which Rwanda adopted. The following six strategies namely: instituting a campaign plan, establishing coherence, taking the lead, building capacity, Economic Assessment and Aid Focus and Priorities and Information and Messaging were adopted to build a successful post-Genocide Rwanda.
Campaign Plan: Immediate post-genocide Rwanda had parameters of a failed state, it was on its death bed. To recap on these parameters, Rwanda was in utter anarchy. Over one million Batutsi were killed and the rest of the population were displaced. near 3 million people had sought refuge in neighbouring countries, and many more, about 3.5 million were internally displaced.
There were countless numbers of orphans, widows, thousands of handicapped people and generally a very vulnerable and traumatised population. Law and order had completely broken down. Large scale atrocities were still going on in parts of the country. All national law enforcement agencies and judicial institutions had ceased to exist and the system of administration of justice had come to a complete standstill.
Social and economic infrastructure was in a state of collapse. All economic indicators showed a desperate situation, with the inflation standing at close to 1000 percent, and most economic activity having ground to a complete halt. Neither schools nor hospitals were functioning.
The civil service had been decimated or its membership had fled into exile. A cloud of insecurity loomed over Rwanda, as the former soldiers and the militia reorganised to continue their genocidal campaign.
Given the above scenario, Rwanda’s “campaign plan” was to resuscitate the nation through mobilizing all available resources through the Government of National Unity. The first strategy was to own the process as a nation through inclusivity.
Establishing Coherence: In Rwanda there was no victor nor vanquished. By the very act of genocide, all Rwandans lost. It was up to the Rwandan leadership to turn this around and make a win-win situation for all in order to establish operational coherence at all levels of national life.
This remains no mean challenge as the country continues to take stock of its tragedy while trying to heal its people and usher in peace and security to ensure the country's development.
Lead The nation: The Rwandan took the lead and the challenge was to manage and regulate the “swarm” of international partners in form of International and local NGOs, agencies, etc.
Rwanda was very uncompromising on the lead role to the extent that in 1995-96 the government had to ask UNAMIR II to wind up and “leave sooner than later”.
UNAMIR II was only perpetuating dependency on the international community while undermining the government’s legitimacy by insisting people remain in camps.
Building Capacity: Given the near-failed state of Rwanda, the first thing was to ensure security by integrating and forming a coherent national defense force. From the ex-combatants and the demobilized soldiers, a new police force was formed to take over the national policing duties from the military.
The ex-combatants also went on to form the local defense units in their respective areas of origin. Rwanda’s security was therefore locally owned. The policy of integrating the military and the militia into a coherent force served as a role model for the greater society that had been polarized and divided.
With security in place it was easier to start on building capacity in all the other sectors of the nation.
Economic Assessment, Aid Focus and Priorities: As already observed Rwanda was socio-economically on its knees with the cumulative decline in GDP having passed the 60% by 1994. Despite this, immediately after the genocide aid was not forthcoming from the international community until the end of 1996 when donors under the Geneva Conference for Rwanda pledged over US$600 million that would be managed under a trust fund by the UNDP.
Unfortunately, the UNDP wanted to take over the planning function from the government by determining development priorities which came with conditionalities to access those funds. Additionally, the UNHCR returned from Congo in 1996-97 with a hefty balance on their relief account (US$1.2b) that by far exceeded the national budget (US$500m) of Rwanda.
At one point cabinet ministers would line up at the UNHCR office seeking funds for their ministerial projects without going through the national treasury. This compromised national priorities in economic development.
Information and Messaging: Rwanda has used a strategic messaging campaign as an active participant and partner in peace-building efforts in Africa. Rwanda is currently involved in almost all regional peace initiatives, including the East African Standby Force.
Today, Rwanda is the 5th largest troop and Police contributor to UN peacekeeping missions, with 5,136 troops, 978 police, and 32 military observers in 6 UN Missions, including the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID); the UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS); the UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH); the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL); the UN Interim Security Force in Abyei (UNISFA); and the UN Operation in Côte d’Ivoire (UNOCI).
Recently, due to the deteriorating situation in the Central African Republic (CAR), Rwanda committed to send its troops to reinforce the International support mission to the Central African Republic (MISCA).
Engagement with fellow Africans and the international community for sustainable peace and improved developmental remains at the core of Rwanda’s foreign policy agenda.
They are not like them
In Africa, Army reputations are of beating people, warlords without smiling faces. Civilians fear them. When they see them, they run away fearing their lives. In Rwanda, story is totally different. Rwanda defense forces legacies are of discipline, patriotism, commitment, friendly and professionalism. Armies and the rest of population join hand in hand to make Rwanda peaceful and sovereign.
Beyond of their everyday responsibility of protecting sovereignty of the country, RDF participate in Umuganda (community work) alongside common residents. Through army week, they cure Rwandans and do different activities on free price in line to improve the Rwandan standard of living.
The value of working together reduced a gap between people and security organs. Rwanda citizens report card (CRC2016) indicates that there is 90% of net satisfaction against 7.4% net dissatisfaction. An improvement compared to 86.5% reported in the CRC 2015 report.
Figures show that the National Army (Rwanda Defense Force/RDF) is the most trusted with 99% followed by the Rwanda National Police (RNP) with 97.4%.
Peacebuilding Lessons from Rwanda
Peacebuilding can not be assembled elsewhere. It must be a homegrown process. Local ownership is paramount because locals must take full responsibility as they are the primary stakeholders.
Rwanda’s military and social integration process has shown that peacebuilding is positive-sum game; there are neither spoilers nor losers. Everybody is a winning stakeholder in the post-conflict scenario.
Rwandans must build local capacity especially in security and defence in order to usher in peace and development. The capacity built should give us courage to say “no” to what is wrong and defend what is right in the eyes of a paternalistic and patronizing international community.
Conclusion
To scapegoat or externalize our problems worth nothing. Aftermath of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, Rwanda was nearly completely destroyed. Having men of valor, they made it healthy again not because they had millions of dollars in order to put everything in place, But because of the spirit of loving the nation only.
Struggle continues, Under our visionary leader President Paul Kagame, Rwanda aims to be an African Singapore. But to reach the aim, It requires to own our problems collectively, fight for our dignity and own our country.
End
About the author
KARANGWA Janvier is a media specialist. He got Bachelor of arts in Journalism and communication from University of Rwanda, 2017.
Contacts
Email: karangwajanvier55@gmail.com
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Our Rwanda Defence Forces, The African Peacebuilding Role Model
Reviewed by Karangwa Janvier
on
February 15, 2018
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